Translated from Yiddish by Maurice Tszorf
The town of Yurburg was situated in the region of Raseiniai,
ten kilometers from the border to Germany near Samalnikan,
resting along the shores of the Niemen river. The Niemen river
runs from Grodny, passes Kovno and Yurburg, until it finally
spills into Korishi Bay (Kurisches Haff) of the Memel, which
the flows into the Baltic Sea. Two thousand Jews lived in
Yurburg.
There were two parks in Yurburg. One was called "Tel Aviv" -
the other was Lithuanian.
The Jews of Yurburg derived their livelihood from the river.
Families like the Levinbergs and the Eizenstatts owned their
own steamships or Parachodes, as they were called, and
maintained a passenger line from Kovno to Samalnikan. There
were also freight ships delivering goods from Memel to Kovno,
as well as rafts that would go to Kovno or Memel. The river
supplied the main income for the inhabitants of the village,
others were merchants, shop owners and craftsmen.
Yurburg was world famous for its old Shul (synagogue), which
had been built in 1790. But it wasn't so much the wooden
structure that was famous, as was its Holy Ark (Aron Kodesh),
with its wood-carving. It was hard to believe how such
wonderful birds, animals and flowers could be carved out of
wood, climbing from the floor all the way up to the ceiling.
Anybody, who laid his eyes on that Holy Ark was enchanted by
its beauty and the artwork of its wood-carvings, its meticulous
finish. The Holy Ark has been photographed hundreds of times,
the images sent and sold in the entire world. Tourists visiting
Lithuania would come to Yurburg especially, in order to see the
great, wonderful antique piece, the Holy Ark of the Shul of
Yurburg.
The men of the village were students and educated people,
such as Hirshl Fein, Aba Koplan, Kalman Friedländer,
Pinhas Shachnovitz, Israel Levinberg, Shmayahu Feinberg, who
was vice mayor of the village, Alter Shimanov, Meir Zusa
Levitan, Rickler (Apteiker), Reuven Olshvager, Dr. Karlinski,
cantor Alperovitz and the butcher Shmuelovitz.
The Rabbis were: Rabbi Jacob Joseph Harif, of blessed memory
(later the Rabbi of the Collel of New York), Rabbi Yeheskel
Lifshitz, of blessed memory (later Rabbi in Kalish), Rabbi
Abraham Diamant of blessed memory, a great scholar in religious
as well as in worldly studies, and the Judge Rabbi Reuven
Rubinstein.
Jewish institutions in the village were the Hebrew Gymnasium
and a Public School. There were also a Volksbank (Popular
Bank), institutions for the Hachnassat Orchim (Hosting Guests),
Bikur Holim (Visiting the Sick), two libraries and other
institutions.
A curious figure in the village was Leibele Israel-Broches,
a Jew who would sit in the study house, the Beth Midrash, all
day long and study. His wife earned the means for their
livelihood. He would be the first to enter the Beth Midrash in
the morning, and the last one to leave at night. He would wait
until all the poor people that were around received some food
from some housewife someplace, especially Friday nights, when
there would be many visitors in the village, so that God forbid
they would not remain hungry. He would see to it that the
visitors were sent to the patrons. And when a visitor, sent by
Leibele Israel-Broches, would come to a patron, he was happily
welcomed. It was not a small thing, when Leibele Israel-Broches
sent somebody.
His brother Welfke, too, had made it his job to take care of
poor people on Shabat. Welfke, who was an old single man, would
collect Challot (challas) , fish, meat on Friday and bring them
to the homes of the poor for Shabbat.
One of the distinguished anonymous donors was Israel
Levinberg. Levinberg would help out patrons, who failed in
their businesses, but it all took place away form the eye of
the public.
*
On June 2, 1941, when the Germans attacked Russia, the Jews
of Yurburg were immediately involved, as their village was
situated right on the German border. The Lithuanian murderers
soon demonstrated their murders and robberies. The first victim
was Reuben Alshvanger.
On June 28, 1941, the Germans issued a decree, ordering all
Jews to assemble in front of the municipal book-store. Anybody
disobeying that order and staying home, it said, will be shot.
When all the Jews had assembled, the men were forced to carry a
bust of Stalin, and the women were had to carry pictures and
images of other members of the Soviet leadership. Like this
they were marched to the town square. There they were
photographed, and Friedman was ordered to read out loud
derogatory statements about Jews. Stalin's bust and the
pictures were burned, and the Jews were forced to dance around
the fire.
It didn't take long. Only a few days later all important
patrons of the village, 320 men, together with Rabbi Reuben
Rubinstein, were called together. They were taken to the Jewish
cemetery and ordered to dig out graves. Everybody was
devastated and cried, but Rabbi Rubinstein comforted them:
"Jews, let us be proud and brave. After all, we will be buried
amongst our brethren, in Kever Israel." When the graves were
ready, they were ordered to undress completely, and then were
driven into the graves.
They tortured Shimon badly. He was forced to tear down the
stones from the bridge, and suffered other tortures. As he was
already losing his strength, they laid him down on the
Purification (Tahara) board (which the Jews used to purify
their dead) and threw him into the Niemen river.
Around September 1941 the women and children were driven
into the Jewish public school. For three days they left them
there, hungry and suffering. Then they drove them to prepared
graves in the forests of Samalnikan.
The annihilation lasted a mere two days. The Christians from
the village of Pashvente said that the earth around the graves
moved for three days, because the Jews had been buried alive.
The murderers also burnt down the old Shul with its Aron
Kodesh, the Holy Ark.
Thus Jewish life of many centuries was erased, and a piece
of past Jewish continuity was torn out by its roots.
Rabbi Efraim Asher
New York - Montreal (1951)
PAGES 411 - 414 FROM THE YURBURG YIZKOR BOOK
SHOOTING OF WOMEN AND
CHILDREN
Translated by Irene Emodi, Tel Aviv
(Ulm Trial, Tilsit)
1. Georgenburg [ Yurburg in German]
(See decision to bring the suspect to trial dated 29.1.1958,
page 14, item 19, and
page 24, pages 4148 and 4158).
(1) Findings:
One day in July/August 1941 - again it is impossible to
determine the exact day - at least 100 (among them a few old
men, one rabbi and the others merely women and children) were
shot to death in an exposed place in the forest, at a distance
from the Schalleningken - Georgenburg road about 30-80 kms.
from the German border and about 9 kms. from the Lithuanian
town Georgenburg. The execution was carried out at the general
order of the accused Bohme, issued to those under his command
in the framework of the Stahlecker order.
The accused Carsten, commander of the border patrol at the
border town of Schmalleningken (at a scope of 4:1) had already
arrested the Jews earlier by means of the Lithuanian
Ordnungspolizei, by virtue of a general power of attorney on
behalf of the accused Bohme in the framework of a "cleansing
order". While the Jewish men were already shot on July 3, 1941,
the Jewish women and children were held under arrest together
with some old people by Lithuanian assistant policemen, among
them the Lithuanian assistant policeman Urbanas.
The prisoners were led along on a 9 kms. march at night, at
the command of the accused Carsten by his Gestapo officers and
Lithuanian assistant policemen, to the site of the killing.
There were women with little babies among them. Before the
start of the march the women were told they were about to join
their husbands and that they should take all their valuables
along with them. At the site of the killing there was a 5m by
6m.(16 ft by 20 ft.) hole. The victims were forced to hand over
the valuables and undress, i.e. - the men to keep on their
underpants only and the women their skirts and underpants.
After that the rabbi prayed with his flock and then they
were shot, in the early morning hours, by the Lithuanian
assistant policemen, who were drunk, at the command of the
accused Carsten.
There are no further details as to how the killing was
carried out. The accused
Carsten reported the killing and the number of people killed
to the Gestapo in Tilsit and from there to the main department
of defense of the Reich and Dr. Stahlecker.
There was no particular mention of this incident of killing
in the report of the head of security police and security
service (SD) submitted in the Russian region.
Next day the accused Carsten traveled together with his
close friend, the customs officer Oselies, who appears as
witness, from Schmalleningken to Georgenburg. On the way he
stopped near this forest clearing and went on foot with witness
Oselies to the mass grave. Here he gave him a description of
the killing of the day before.
Later on the accused Carsten brought chlorine plaster
[lime], which was thrown over the mass grave, as the odor of
decay started to be evident.
2) Evaluation of the testimonies:
The accused Carsten denied he had taken part in this
killing. In any case, he admitted there was a possibility that
he had received the order to kill Jewish women and children,
but he claimed he had not carried out this order. He even
received information from Lithuanians about two instances of
killing Jewish women and children, and reported this to the
police department at Tilsit. Furthermore, he claimed, he did
not know the place of the killing, although he hid behind the
mass graves when he went hunting. It was true he had brought
chlorine plaster [lime], but this was only for the graves in
the Jewish cemetery.
The jury did not believe Carsten's claim that he had not
taken part in the killing. During all these court sessions the
accused Carsten did not create a trusting impression.
Carsten was mainly proven guilty by witness Oselies. He
delivered a believeable testimony to the effect that already
some time before the trip in question with the accused Carsten,
the Lithuanian assistant policeman Urbanas who was in charge of
guarding the Jewish women and children, together with other
assistant policemen, had told him that he earned a lot of money
for this, as the Jewish women always offered him money to
prolong their lives. A short while later, in July or August
1941, one morning he traveled with the accused Carsten beyond
the border. About 3 kms. from the border the accused Carsten
stopped in the forest and went on foot with him to a clearing
in the woods, about 80 meters from the road.
Here he showed him a mass grave, and said that the day
before Jewish women and children had been shot here by the
Lithuanians, as well as a few Jewish old men and a rabbi. The
Lithuanians had been drunk. The women had been ordered to
undress, leaving on their bras and panties and the men their
underpants. The rabbi had still managed to speak to the people
and pray.
The witness Oselies gave an accurate and clear description
of all this, and he added that he was so shocked by the accused
Carsten's story that he was speechless and merely looked at him
in silence. According to the accused Carsten's overall behavior
and on the basis of his detailed description of the killing
delivered in a matter of fact way and without any signs of
emotion, he was convinced that the accused Carsten had taken
part in the killing of the Jewish women and children by the
Lithuanians. The jury considers this fact to be proven.
Witness Oselies added that shortly after this trip policeman
Urbanas also told him about this incident of killing. According
to his story the victims were forced to walk to the site of the
killing, about 9 kms. Among them were women who had just given
birth. Witness Stanat also testified against the accused
Carsten. He served as Evangelian priest in Georgenburg from
1934 - July 3, 1941. He rendered trustworthy testimony
according to which during his visit to Georgenburg between the
end of 1941 and early 1942 the Mayor, Hoffner, and the
Evangelian priest who served in Georgenburg at the time told
him that the accused Carsten had played a decisive role in the
killing of the Jewish men, women and children. He had ordered
the Lithuanians be given rifles and bullets. Before they were
brought to the site of the killing the Jewish women were
advised to bring along all their valuables as they would be
joining their husbands.
Witness Obremski, a former adjutant in the Tilsit police
battalion, rendered trustworthy testimony which he had heard
from the men in his police unit, that Jewish women and children
from Georgenburg were shot by the Lithuanian police at the
order of the Gestapo. In his opinion the Gestapo were present
at the killing by the Lithuanians, also because the Lithuanian
police at that time did not have any weapons of its own.
Obremski also testified about an incident that happened to him
himself. He said he was traveling to Georgenburg with his
commander when he saw a confused Jewish woman with a little
child run out of the woods and flee along the road.
They stopped the police car to ask the woman what she was
doing. However, the Jewish woman continued to run. In addition,
a Gestapo man was seen coming out of the forest, and that is
why they let the matter rest.
A short while later a drunken Lithuanian policeman came out
of the woods. They asked him what was going on and he answered
Jewish women and children had just been shot. Later on they
heard in Georgenburg that the Lithuanian police had received
alcohol from the Gestapo and had then shot Jewish women and
children; many of the Jewish women were pregnant.
In spite of the accused Carsten' denial, the jury is
convinced that he gave the order - by virtue of the general
order of the accused Bohme - to let the Lithuanians - who had
earlier gotten drunk- shoot the Jewish women and children, and
that the murder had taken place under his command.
According to the testimony of witness Oselies that little
children and even babies had been killed and that the mass
grave took up an area of 5 x 6 m. [ 16 ft by 20 ft] the jury
determined that at least 100 people had been shot.
The accused Bohme denied he had taken part in this killing
of Jewish women and children. He claimed he could not remember
this incident. True, he had repeatedly been told that Jewish
women and children had been shot by Lithuanians, but his share
in this affair was limited to receiving the information and
passing the facts about the number of casualties on to the main
defense department of the Reich (RSHA) and Dr. Stahlecker.
However, the jury did not believe the accused Bohme's claim
that this had been carried out without his participation and
knowledge. The jury was convinced that this killing too was
only carried out at the general order he had issued to his
Gestapo troops. Here we must rely on previous statements and
findings submitted in the verdict.
It is impossible to prove that the accused Hersmann took
part in the killing. In the decision to put the accused on
trial he had been accused of the same number of crimes as the
accused Bohme.
Yosef Ben Matityahu Valk - blessed be his memory
Born in Yurburg
Blessed are the Last Ones.....
PAGE 415 FROM THE YURBURG YIZKOR BOOK
THE OPPRESSORS - LEWITZKAS AND
KAMINSKAS
Translated by Irene Emodi, Tel Aviv
Justice has a long arm - and even if many years have passed
since our community was destroyed - we did not give up nor will
we ever give up the wish to see the murderers punished,
wherever they may be.
At the end of 1974 I was asked to come to the American
Consulate in East Jerusalem to identify, according to pictures,
the criminals Lawitzkas and Kaminskas.
In coordination with the Nazi crimes investigation division
of the Israeli police, I appeared at the Consulate, however the
pictures of old gentiles that were presented to me made it
difficult for me to identify the criminals.
At the end of 1974 I received a request from the Israeli
police to submit the names and addresses of former residents of
Yurburg who would be able to identify the criminals, and so I
did. A number of people were called for interviews and the
matter was forgotten again.
In October this year I once again turned to the Nazi crimes
investigation division of the Israeli police and asked for a
report about the matter.
I was told the file had not been closed. As far as they
knew, Kaminskas had been traced, brought to trial and a verdict
had been issued to deport him from the United States. However,
the execution of the verdict was postponed from year to year
due to his poor health.
As far as Lawitzkas is concerned, the investigation
department has no information yet.
S. Simonov
[ If anyone has any futher information about these
criminals, please communicate with Joel Alpert at jalpert@usa.net
so that we can add the information to this web page. Jan. 8,
2000 ]
PAGES 416-418 FROM THE YURBURG YIZKOR BOOK
THE PEOPLE FROM SHAODINA WERE THE
FIRST TO BE EXECUTED
Translated by Irene Emodi, Tel Aviv
To the martyrs of Shaodina - a faithful tear
True, one might say: thousands of towns and villages in the
diaspora were destroyed by the Nazi oppressors, so what
difference does another tiny town with 16-18 Jewish families
make! The answer is: it does, oh yes it does! Both
because of its particularly bitter fate and because of some of
its Jews, this little town deserves special mention.
Shaodina was one of the first little towns to be
slaughtered, even before the ghettoes, before the gas chambers,
before Maidanek and Auschwitz.
The Jews of the little town of Shaodina had a "special
privilege" : they were the first to be executed. Perhaps this
fate was shared by other little towns in Lithuania that were
close to Germany (such as Sudarg and others), but the writer of
this article received accurate information only about Shaodina.
A week after the Nazi invasion, which took place at the end of
June 1941, the Nazis rounded up all the adult Jewish men at the
little town in order to, as it were, send them to Shaki. On the
way there they were all murdered. Two weeks later all the women
of Israel in the town and their little children drank [from]
"the cup of poison."*
* According to the version of the Igdalski Mashaki brothers
(I met them in Munchen, Germany) and also according to the
version of Rachel Bandelin, the men were killed near the town
of Shaki on the eleventh of Tamuz 5701(June 6, 1941). The women
were killed by the Germans and their faithful Lithuanian
helpers, who outdid them in cruelty, on 21 Elul 5701 (September
13, 1941).
Thus they lie there, till today, in two mass graves, close
to each other. Who can describe the terror in the eyes of the
poor women when they realized the bitter fate of the men! Thus
they were murdered and thus they were thrown into mass graves,
the Jews of Shaodina, without a tear of pity, without a
funeral, without an eulogy, without the prayer for the dead.
They died like impure animals and were buried like donkeys.
Among the women who were killed we should mention the
devoted mother who at the time had become a legend because of
what she did: her only son contracted dyptheria. He would soon
suffocate if he did not receive an injection by a physician,
but there was no doctor in Shaodina, only on the other side of
the Neiman river in Yurburg. It was in the cold days of winter.
The Neiman river had just frozen, but was still covered by a
thin layer of ice, and no one dared to walk on this thin ice.
What did this mother do? She put her sick son on a small winter
carriage, and with the rope in her hands she drew the sled over
the thin ice, until it reached the safe shore . . .
And among the murdered men was the great father who planted
the love of Israel in the heart of his son. This father gave
everything to his son, saved every penny, to send him to Zion,
to be educated there. This was before World War I when merely a
handful of lucky people went to Eretz Yisrael. There was no
greater joy to this father than the letters he received from
his son in Eretz Yisrael, he would read them six days of the
week, and on the seventh day he would read them together with
the week's Bible portion.
*
A steamship, that had left Kovna to go to Yurburg, was
sailing along the Neiman river. A young, enthusiastic passenger
stood on deck, his bright eyes looking in the distance. Here,
here, the two towers of the new church of Yurburg appeared on
the right side of the river. Here come the parks and houses of
Yurburg. Opposite these houses, to the left of the river, there
is a broad range of forest. There are large stone houses there
with many trees. Those are the buildings of the Kidol estate,
Shaodina's neighbor on this side. Closer to the onlooker on the
boat large wooden houses become visible - the Kimmel estate,
Shaodina's neighbor on the other side. Between these two
estates, parallel to the river - broad green pastures in
between - the little houses with the thatched roofs of Shaodina
continue.
About twenty Jewish families lived in Shaodina at this time
(before World War I). The Jews here were no intellectuals, but
they were not ignorant either. Neither rich nor poor. Made a
living here and there on trade and here and there on farming.
There was a synagogue (Kloiz), but the town was too small to be
able to keep all the "holy vessels." It was thus satisfied to
have its own ritual slaughterer, while it shared the rabbi with
Sudarg. And - God forbid - a Jew who died was brought to Sudarg
for burial, 8 kms. away from Shaodina..
Only the Neiman river, which is not very wide at this spot,
separates Shaodina from Yurburg, but the mental distance with
the "Polishe" - as the people in Yurburg would call the Jews of
Shaodina - was very great indeed. These were two different
worlds. The Jews of Yurburg considered their town (only 5000
inhabitants in all) a metropolis, while the Jews of Shaodina
were provincial villagers to them. In addition there were
geographical and ethnogaphical differences. Here a Subalak,
formerly Poland, peasant, there a peasant from Kovna, Russia.
Here they say Mauer Sauer, there : Moier Soier. Here they are
plain, stubborn Jews who don't mind eating mutton, especially
when it is smoked, there they are spoiled towns people, where
there is a law and they would never dare serve warm
sandwiches for breakfast. When Lithuania gained
independence and the Hebrew Gymnasium was established in
Yurburg, used also by the children of Shaodina, many
differences were set aside.
Only one of the hundred Jews of Shaodina survived. The
houses were not burned or destroyed, but "our homes became the
homes of strangers" - Lithuanian gentiles occupied them. I
don't know what happened to the "Kloiz" (synagogue), but
whether it was occupied and used for another purpose or not, "
save me from the insult of the one that remains silent, without
anyone coming to celebrate."
Hitler may be credited for not distinguishing between one
Jew and another. He directed his poisonous rage at all of them.
Only very few Jews from Yurburg and Sudarg survived.
Avraham Laibosh
PAGES 419-428 FROM THE YURBURG YIZKOR BOOK
LAST DAYS IN YURBURG AND ITS
SURROUNDINGS
Translated by Irene Emodi, Tel Aviv
(The Story of Aba Vals)
The story of my life in the Nazi hell covers a long period.
However, it is well-known that it is the nature of man to
forget many things and this applies even more so to someone
like myself who has reached a very old age. There are, however,
chapters of life that leave such a deep impression on the heart
that it is impossible to erase them. I shall never forget what
happened to me in the evil years of the Nazi occupation in
Lithuania.. Those who were not there and did not feel the
physical and mental anguish will not believe our story, for it
is beyond comprehension.
When I remember those terrible days, dreadful scenes come to
mind, torture and killing. I witnessed the death of our
relatives and brothers, the Jews of Yurburg, I witnessed the
loss of my family . . .
In the last years before the Holocaust I lived in Yurburg.
Jews had lived in Yurburg for many generations - they are there
no longer. Jewish Yurburg was destroyed and erased from under
the sky of Lithuania.
I was born in the little town of Shaodina. The Neiman river,
as is known, separated Shaodina from Yurburg. Although Shaodina
belonged to the Shaki region, as the entire area beyond the
river, we from Shaodina, considered ourselves as belonging to
Yurburg. We were all attached in heart and soul to Yurburg,
where we studied and spent the years of our youth.
After World War I Shaodina became quite large, but the
number of Jewish inhabitants diminished. Many left, especially
the young, who did not see a future there for themselves. Of
the hundreds of families that had lived there in the past only
about twenty were left when World War II broke out.
The majority of the Shaodina residents were farmers and some
dealt in the trades. The tradesmen bought fodder from the
farmers, cattle, linen, poultry, eggs etc., and they would sell
their goods to the Jewish tradesmen in Yurburg, who dealt in
the export of goods to Germany and western Europe.
I remember a number of families in town, among them my
brother Meir Vals and his family, and my uncles - Nathan and
Leiser Vals, my father's brothers, and also Hirshel and Itzik
Goldin. I also remember Ortchik and his wife Ilana, Leibe
Meigel, Yankel Bendelin, who was a wholesale tradesman and Meir
Pesachson. I remember Meir Feldman, whose daughter Hannah
joined the "Hahalutz" movement, went on training and on aliyah
to Eretz Yisrael and to the kibbutz. There was the Laibosh
family there - Moshe Laibosh, whose son Meir is presently in
Israel and works as a pharmacist at "Kupat Holim" (Health
Fund); The Moshe Laibosh family was also well-known - their son
Zalman, a gifted young man, studied at the Yurburg Gymnasium
and Kovna University; he joined the "Habimah" studio while he
was still a student and emigrated to Israel. Zalman Laibosh
became very well known in Israel as an outstanding actor and
famous director in Israel and America.
There were many Zionists in the little town of Shaodina and
there was a great love for Eretz Yisrael there. The youngsters
studied at Hebrew schools and belonged to pioneer youth
movements. The town did not have a rabbi. The Shaodina
residents used the rabbi of Sudarg, a little town 8-9 kms. (6
miles) away on the German border. The two towns shared a
cemetery. We had a religious slaughterer, called "Rabbi Alter
mit die sieben Techter," i.e. Alter with the seven daughters .
. . . We also had a prayer house in our little town, but there
was hardly a real school. Most children studied at the schools
and gymnasium of Yurburg. Indeed, what separated us from
Yurburg - only the Neiman river on the ferry. Except for the
days when the snow melted, the trade, cultural and social link
was never cut off between Shaodina and Yurburg. Many Shaodina
residents even settled in Yurburg itself, in fact that is what
I did; when the Nazis came I had been a Yurburg resident for
quite a while.
My forefathers were Shaodina residents. They were peasants.
They had fields, cattle, horses. The land did not disappoint
them. I inherited the love of land and animals from my parents.
We were very close to nature, rooted in simple farm life, just
like all the gentile peasants around us. However, in the last
generation people left the town, as mentioned above. The young
men wanted to acquire an education, they went to study and did
not return to the little town; I also left, after I got
married, and I settled in Yurburg, although I still continued
the farming business. Three children were born to me in Yurburg
- Haim Shlomo, Nathan and Zelda. I was happy with my life, I
earned enough and was able to take good care of my family.
There was no room for any particular concern. In those days I
could not imagine that heavy clouds were already hovering over
our sky. Soon our entire way of life changed completely.
Disaster hit us like a thunderstorm.
On the evening of June 22, 1941 Hitler's hooligans entered
Lithuania. Already in the early hours of the morning airplanes
appeared in the sky of Yurburg, immediately followed by the
army, there was shock and tumult. People tried to escape to all
possible directions. I had a horse and carriage and thought
they would save us. As I lived at the outskirts of town I said
to myself" I'll run, I'll run" . . . The moment the idea
occurred to me I urged my wife, Henya, to put all the things
that could be taken along on the carriage. We did everything in
a great hurry, put our little children on the carriage, and
still in the early hours of the morning I left with my wife and
children. We went to the east, to Rassain. The road was
difficult and full of vehicles; it was a tiring and exhausting
trip, while the terrible enemy was behind us and a narrow path
of hope in front of us. However, after a short while, when we
reached Shimkaitsh, our hope dissipated.
The Nazi soldiers had arrived there before us; they
confronted us, rifles drawn, searched us and our belongings,
took a photograph of all of us and sent us back to Yurburg.
When we returned tired and depressed to Yurburg we found our
house had been taken over by the Germans. After we begged and
pleaded, they vacated a space in one of the houses for us and
thus we passed the first days, under the patronage of "our
German neighbors". We lived in fear and were terrified, yet we
had no idea of what would happen to us in the coming days.
A couple of days after the Germans invaded Yurburg, the
German hooligans passed along the homes of the Jews, together
with their Lithuanian helpers, and took some of the Jews away,
according to a list. Later on it transpired that this was aimed
at the Jews who were educated and influential among the Jewish
population of the town. I also joined this respectable group,
which consisted of 520 people. There were 20 in the group who
were not Jewish, communist leaders, who had ruled Lithuania for
over a year. This group of people were led to the Jewish
cemetery by the German soldiers and their Lithuanian guides.
Here we were told to form into groups and dig deep holes. The
work was hard and we were very depressed. It is impossible to
describe what went on there. I immediately understood what to
expect in this place. I don't know how, but I suddenly got the
idea and decided to rebel - "to be saved, to hang on to life."
I saw a piece of double land in front of me with a deep decline
behind it and a steep slope. I quickly threw myself onto the
ground and rolled myself into the deep abyss, which went down
to the Neiman river. After a few seconds I saw myself hurt and
beaten, but all alone, and far from the place of evil. I
gathered my last strength and got up. "Where should I go?" In
front of me was the slowly flowing Neiman river, cows in the
meadows and fields in the distance. I decided to hide in the
corn fields. The moment I started on my way I found a
horse-shoe. I took the horse-shoe into my hand and put it next
to my heart, perhaps, I said to myself, this is a sign that I
shall be able to survive. Our forefathers were superstitious
and believed the horse-shoe is a sign of luck and success . . .
who knows? - at that moment the horse-shoe lifted my spirits
and gave me hope that I would be able to reach my home and see
my wife and children. Thus I continued on my way. I climbed
mountains and went down valleys until I reached the area where
I lived. On the way shepherds and peasants told me what had
happened to the group of Jews at the cemetery. Their story came
as no surprise to me. I knew their fate would be bitter. I was
told that Dr. Karlinksy delivered a speech at the cemetery,
before he died, he spoke out against the murderous Nazis,
instigating those condemned to death. As far as I know I am the
only survivor of this group.
When I approached the garden of my home I saw my wife from
afar; I was sure that I had reached my goal. However, this was
not the case. All of a sudden two Lithuanian Shaulists blocked
my way, grabbed me and ordered me to follow them to the police
station. I begged them to let me spend the night at home and
promised I would present myself at the police station the next
morning. However, I failed. "Anyhow" - one of them said - "you
are about to die, so what difference does it make to sleep one
more night at home." However, one Shaulist almost granted me my
request; I saw that my pleading had aroused his pity, but the
other one was as hard as stone. He had murder in his eyes. In
short, I was taken to the police. My wife and children remained
at home and were certainly waiting for me. We all passed a
sleepless night.
Thus, after all the hurdles I had overcome that day I
walked/crawled with the last force left in me, while the
Shaulists urged me along, swearing and hitting me all the way.
The police commander sent me to prison. At the prison I found
46 Jews. I was number forty seven. They say that it is possible
to find solace in sharing one's troubles with others. It was no
solace to me to find so many Jews at the prison, yet I cheered
up somewhat - perhaps I would be lucky this time too. After a
while the order was received to take us to the Laibosh
courtyard on Rassain street. We were unaware of the reason for
this and did not know what to expect. In the evening a German
officer came, accompanied by a Lithuanian policeman, and told
us to line up in the courtyard. We were divided into two
groups: old men on one side and healthy young men on the other
side. The old men were allowed to go to sleep at home. They
were told unequivocally that if they failed to return next
morning all the young men, who remained at the Laibosh
courtyard, would be shot. Thus I too remained at the Laibosh
home to spend the night there with the young men. We found a
place for ourselves somehow in the home and courtyard, where we
were guarded. Shmerl Bernstein, who was the manager of the bank
in our little town, was put in charge of our group which
included about forty people. We passed a terrible night.
Everyone tried to guess what would happen to us. We each
crouched in our little corner and took stock of our life; the
night passed without much sleep until the sun rose at daybreak.
The old men returned from their homes, one after another. They
looked sad, as if they knew the end was near. After a while the
Germans and Lithuanian Shaulists came, counted the old men,
making sure none of them was missing. Immediately the order was
issued to take the group of old men out of the courtyard and
beyond.
We still saw them dragging their feet, we could still hear
their sighs and saw them taking a last look at those left
behind and at the streets of Yurburg where they had grown up,
lived, raised children, grown old - and now the bitter end had
come . . .they went on their way, and, as we heard from
Lithuanian acquaintances, they were taken to the Shimkaitz
forest where they were shot. To this very day their graves are
nowhere to be found.
The group of young men that remained in the courtyard was
divided into two units. I too was placed with one of these
units. We were taken to the Neiman river, where we were ordered
to load stones on to steamships, while the policemen and the
oppressors stood over us and urged us coarsely and cruelly
along. The loading went on for three days. It was hard labor.
We received prison fare - but we accepted our verdict. We said
to ourselves: " as long as it doesn't get worse". All those
days when I was loading the stones I was thinking how to escape
and run far away beyond the hills of darkness, in order to
disappear from the eyes of the murderers. However, I knew this
was an idle dream. One day, already at the end of the stone
loading, I went up to the German officer who was guarding us
and told him that I was a peasant, a farmer, and that if I did
not reap the harvest everyone would go hungry, and that that
was more important than the slave labor I was carrying out
here. The officer asked a gentile Lithuanian to corroborate my
words that I really had a farm. To my joy, the Lithuanian
testified in my favor. That is how I received a certificate
from the police, at the orders of the German officer, that
released me for a month. My joy, of course, knew no bounds. I
went home with the passport to salvation in my pocket, free for
a month . . . .
The next day, early in the morning, I went to the Neiman
river in order to cross the river on the ferry to Shaodina.
Near the Neiman river I found a Jew who had been ordered to set
up a booth for a guard. He had been given wooden boards, but he
did not have a saw or tools. I helped him a little, as far as I
could, and I went to my parents' home in Shaodina. And here,
imagine how pleasantly surprised I was, I found my mother at
home, my sister and all the other members of my family, healthy
and well. I can't tell you how happy we were; here I am,
sitting at home, my childhood home, among my family, while
outside the evil wind of Hitlerism is blowing and the sword is
poised. Many Jews of Shaodina had been taken out of their homes
and taken in the direction of Shaki. Noone knows what happened
to them. There was a great deal of fear. Everyone was counting
their last days and hours.
However, let's cross that bridge when we come to it. In the
meantime I was enjoying my long "holiday". During the day I did
not work at all. "Who cared about the fields?" - a sword was
hanging over our heads. I went into the fields, looked for a
place to hide from the Germans and Shaulists and in the evening
I crossed the Neiman river on the ferry and went to my home and
family in Yurburg. Each time I heard terrible news there, which
depressed me. After a month I received an extension of another
month; "was I an important and useful man?. . ." I deceived
them as far as I could, that was my only weapon . . . .
In those days I received the terrible news that the women
and children of Yurburg had already been taken out of their
homes and led to the forest . . . from the Lithuanians I heard
about their bitter end and about the tragic fate of my wife and
children. I find it hard to believe the terrible testimony
about the crimes committed by the Lithuanians, the Nazis'
helpers, how could they . . . how could they murder women and
children in cold blood, weeping babies ... and throw them all
into a hole . . .I can hear their voices deafening my ears . .
. how? . . . how?
I remained alone, the only one of my small family to
survive. There was nothing left for me in Yurburg. Yurburg
without Jews did not exist for me. My world had fallen apart.
However, the urge to live is apparently stronger than man. I
recovered from the blows of destiny and the suffering of Job.
Now I only felt the instinct of wrath.
One day I was summoned to the police. I understood the end
had come. I had to think of a way to save myself this time too.
Until now I had managed to outwit them, but what would happen
now. Perhaps someone had denounced me? Could that be true?
Until now I had been lucky, had my luck run out now?
And then, at the very time when I was deliberating, an idea
struck me. I shall not go to the police of Yurburg, what do I
have to do with Yurburg, what is it to me? Those who hate me
are there, those who murdered my family - I shall run away, I
shall not surrender, I want to live. Perhaps I would do well to
run to my mother and my relatives who are still in Shaodina.
When the Germans find out that I don't have any fields or
gardens and that I lied to them all along, they will kill me,
for they are murderers. I can still hear the cries of the old
men, women and children they murdered and whose skulls they
crushed - and now they want to do the same to me. No, I said to
myself, they won't be so lucky.
I shall not be a slave to you or fall victim to wild,
blood-thirsty animals. I must escape, immediately, but where
to? Where shall I go - certainly not to Yurburg, that is clear.
Nor will I go to Shaodina. I remembered that nor far away, in
this area, I knew a gentile, who was a frequent guest at our
house. I knew him and trusted him. I somehow got to him. Yes,
he knew me. He did not ignore me, although I saw he was full of
fear. At the home of this farmer I hid for seven days. I ate of
his bread and drank of his water. I might have remained with my
Lithuanian acquaintance longer, but something happened. Close
by, almost next door, the Jew called Moshke Yokas was caught.
He too had hidden with a Lithuanian farmer. The Germans and
Lithuanians arrested him and shot him on the spot, and after
that they also shot the gentile who had helped him. This news
spread to the entire village and to other villages as well.
From now on no one dared harbor a Jew under his roof, it was
too risky, and the local population was not too fond of Jews
anyhow. Many now found an opportunity, under the German
occupation, to take revenge on the Jews whom they had hated for
a long time.
When it became known that the Lithuanian farmer had been
killed for hiding the Jew, my benefactor said to me "I am very
sorry, you must leave, for if they find out they will kill me .
. . " Outside it was winter. It had snowed and it was ice cold.
"Where shall I go?" - tears welled up in my eyes - "where can I
go?" The farmer saw how I felt and understood my tragic
position, that I was homeless and was being thrown out of the
house like a dog. He took pity, got up and said : "go to my
father in law -he is a Lithuanian farmer of German origin, no
one will suspect him - go to him, tell him I sent you, and
you'll be able to stay with him for a couple of days." That is
what I did. However, it did not take long before I saw that he
disapproved of me and I was afraid he might hurt me. One day he
said to me: " why fall victim to those who want to kill you,
why don't you just go through the gate of the yard and take
your own life there . . . that is your only choice." I told him
: "if I really have to die I shall not die here, and be
devoured by the wild animals of the forest, I prefer to go to
the Jewish cemetery, dig a hole for myself and be buried on the
land of my fathers." As it was night, I asked for permission to
sleep on the attic for one more night before I would leave. The
gentile showed signs of nervousness and I felt he was planning
to kill me. I climbed to the attic, but I could not close my
eyes, I was afraid of my hosts' evil schemes. I was already
experienced in those days. I knew to distinguish between one
person and another.
After I had tossed about for an hour, unable to fall asleep,
I made a small hole in the straw that covered the roof, and
went outside, leaving the farmer's house far behind. All night
long I trampled on the snow, while my legs froze and my head
was spinning. I reached Papushok, a scarcely populated village,
on the way to Shaki, about ten kms. (6 miles) away from
Shaodina. I knew the angel of death was waiting for me. . . .
Until today I don't know how I managed to get through those
difficult days and arrive here. Till I die I won't know.
However, I knew one thing - that I was determined to overcome
the difficulties and stay alive and witness the downfall of our
people's enemy and my family's murderers. This hope kept up my
spirit and helped me overcome the hardship and sufferings.
It was morning. At the home of a farmer I saw that the door
of the stable was open. I went in, the farmer saw me and was
startled. I knew him and he knew me too. His wife also came to
take a look at me. He told me the Jews here were in great
danger. And he also told me that Laibosh from Shaodina had been
caught and had been killed here in this area. I started to cry.
I had no energy left and I did not have the strength to go any
further. If I had to die in this stable then let this be my
grave . . .
When the farmer saw how miserable I was, he took pity. He
ordered his wife to bring me some bread and butter to cheer me
up. Once I had eaten I no longer had the strength to get up,
but the farmer said : "go into the home, never mind what
happens. I am not afraid of those who live in my home, they
won't tell anyone, for another Jew is hiding in my home." This
was a simple, poor peasant, who barely made a living from the
plot of land and the animals he had. In winter he would be a
shoemaker, would stitch one patch to another, for anyone who
asked. That was the source on which he barely made a living ,
particularly in those difficult days, when everyone was hungry.
The German conquerors starved and humiliated the population,
for they took the Lithuanian harvest to the front. "My" farmer
was unable to understand how so many Lithuanians cooperated
with the Germans and helped them.
In short: the farmer with whom I found my home, was my true
benefactor. He arranged a place for me on the attic where I
spent - who would believe it? - three and a half years. The
farmer shared his food with me. Often the members of his family
would go hungry and I was one of them. He had one condition.
"If you hear my dogs barking, be aware they may search my
house. If so, run away, my friend, don't bring disaster on me."
Luckily, there were Germans who needed shoe repairs and used
the farmer who was a shoemaker. However, they had no idea that
on the attic, in bundles of straw, a Jew was hiding, poor
fellow. . . .
My life at the farmer's home was boring, each day resembled
the next. The days and nights were very long, endless. It is
impossible to convey the thoughts that tortured me and weakened
my strength to face the hardship and suffering.
One day I found a cyrstal radio that was equipped with
earphones. I barely managed to hear the news from a distance.
Each day the Germans would enthrall the Lithuanian population
with stories about the German army's heroic victories on all
fronts. And here, on that same day, I heard that the German
divisions had been beaten in battle and fallen into Russian
custody. This was encouraging news, from that moment I felt
that Hitler's days were counted and that the murderer would end
on the gallows. From that moment I felt some relief in my
sorrow.
One day - it is hard to believe - we were free. The enemy
had been beaten and dealt a mortal blow. Now I was free to go,
could breathe fresh air, enjoy the warmth of the sun - yes,
yes, I - the survivor - who had lived through the terrible
Holocaust- could leave my place of hiding and . . .go, go,
go...
-"Where to go, where shall I go?"
And then, without a minute's hesitation, I took the
decision:
"I shall not return to Yurburg or to Shaodina! Those places
- without the Jews- mean nothing to me." . . .
*
I got up and went to look for other survivors . . .I wanted
to find my fellow Jews, and I found them - very few in Kovna
and many more in Vilna. I decided to settle in Vilna which was
now the capital of Lithuania, under the Soviet regime. I also
found work which came as a great blessing. From the physical
point of view my life was not particularly difficult. It was
difficult, though, to forget what our enemies and prosecutors
had done to us. The shadow of the terrible Holocaust haunted me
and my soul found no rest. That went on for a long time. Then I
understood my place was not here among the whispering ashes of
my dear ones. I was the only one left of my family and the
Jewish community - what was I doing here? . ..
In those days my dreams were taking me to our country, the
country of the Jews, Eretz Yisrael, which had come alive again,
after two thousand years of exile. I asked the
Lithuanian-Soviet authorities to allow me to leave Lithuania,
in order to emigrate to Israel but they refused. I asked them
again a number of times. I did not give up. Only in 1967 I
received permission to leave Lithuania. I went on aliyah and
Israel has been my home since.
I am very happy to live among my people with the family I
was lucky enough to establish after the years of the terrible
Holocaust.
All we need is health, the health to go on living in our
beautiful country, the land of our dreams, in revenge on the
beastly murderers of our people.
(Paz)
PAGES 429-437 FROM THE YURBURG YIZKOR BOOK
A GROUP OF "YURBURGERS" IN THE
FOREST
Translated by Irene Emodi, Tel Aviv
Eye-witness account by Yehuda Tarshish, a
Survivor of the Partisans
At the end of World War II, one of the most cruel wars ever
to take place, what was to be expected indeed happened to Nazi
Germany. Hitler's army was defeated. Fascism proved to be a
total failure. The people of Europe felt relieved, after their
desperate battle against German vandalism aiming to destroy
them. A period of recuperation and renewal started - the time
had come to rebuild and create a world free of fear of
persecution and force. Such was the world and thus were all the
people of Europe who had known much suffering. However matters
were different for the people of Israel, dispersed and exiled
all over Europe. They had come out of the horrible battle
bruised and wounded. A few were left here and there, one in a
village, two in a family. They were unable to rebuild their
ruined communities on the soil that was drenched with the blood
of their dear ones. As soon as the war was over, therefore, the
Holocaust survivors started to move towards Eretz Yisrael, the
shelter of those who longed for national salvation and human
dignity.
One of those survivors on Lithuanian soil arrived at a safe
haven at the end of the war, after he had gone through many
difficult experiences at the Kovna ghetto and Yurburg forests.
His name was Yehuda (Yudel) Tarshish, who presently lives in
Tel Aviv, and he is a survivor of the group that lived in the
forests and was called "The Yurburgers". Some of them were a
nucleus of Jews from Yurburg (11 men and women under the
leadership of Antanas {Moshe}), others were Jews who had come
to the forest from various places, among them the Salvodka
ghetto, to join small units that fought against the enemy.
Prof. Dov Levin [Hebrew University], the famous Holocaust
researcher at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, talked to
Yehuda Tarshish, and we found important testimony in his words
regarding the fate of the survivors from Yurburg and its
surroundings, who went to the forests to fight for their
physical safety and take revenge on the enemy who had destroyed
their families and community. Furthermore: the Jewish nucleus
from Yurburg maintained a connection with the Kovna ghetto, by
special envoy, and took tens of imprisoned Jews who were in
distress out of the ghetto.
We thought it important to present Yehuda Tarshish's words
as an eye- witness account of the courageous survivors from
Yurburg and others in the forests surrounding the town. In the
end most of them were defeated and fell in the battle in the
Yurburg area and their place of burial is unknown. It is a
terrible story with a bitter, tragic end.
*
. . . .At the Kovna ghetto (Salvodka) - says Yehuda Tarshish
- I was known as a brave guy, who would come and go through the
fence that surrounded the ghetto, without a yellow patch and
without a Star of David, i.e. without "Lates". A Haz (rabbit) -
they were called. Armed with a gun I would cross the ghetto
fence in order to smuggle in food and arms from the outside.
In March 1944, after the children's "Aktia" (Action)
acquaintances from the ghetto approached me and asked me to
help them get to "Inkaras", a rubber factory 5-6 kms. away from
the Salvodka ghetto. They wanted me to lead them there in order
to reach the Yurburg forests from there. I agreed at once.
In those days I also transferred little children from the
ghetto to the Lithuanian orphanage called "Lafshialis". An old
woman worked at this orphanage and she would receive the
children from me. She was particularly interested in little
girls. Once a baby who I was about to transfer to the orphanage
was given an injection to make him fall asleep before I would
take him out of the ghetto so that he would not cry when I
crossed the fence. I put the baby in a bag at an agreed-upon
spot near the back door of the orphanage, and when I came next
day and brought another bag of sleeping children, the old women
told me the child had died. Apparently he had received an
overdose.
Those who approached me regarding their transfer to
"Inkaras" were in contact with someone called Feinstein. He was
a "Brigadir" at the ghetto, i.e. in charge of those leaving on
forced labor outside the ghetto. This Feinstein had two
brothers in the forests near Yurburg. The Feinstein brothers
were quite familiar with the area for they had been born there.
Before the war they owned a sawing workshop [sawmill]
(Zagwerk). They spent three years in the forest, armed with
Russian sub-machine guns and other weapons; they inspired fear
in the Lithuanians who inhabited the villages and received them
at their homes.
When they heard that the Russian army was approaching
Lithuania and that the war would soon be over, they asked Jews
be removed from the Kovna ghetto and be concentrated in the
forests until the war was over. In one of the villages a woman
lived who was a convert and wanted to reconvert. This woman
risked her life to bring a big ship to the Vilya river front
near "Inkaras". But - how does one leave the ghetto?- I of
course had almost free passage to get out of the ghetto, for I
knew the militia (Lithuanian police) whose guard-post was near
the Christian cemetery. Here a few policemen stood guard and in
return for money they would turn a blind eye, so that one
evening I could take about thirty people out of the ghetto. I
often bought arms from these policemen, mainly rifles. I would
dismantle the rifle butts and smuggle them into the ghetto for
self defense and for those who were about to join the
"Partisanka" in the forests.
I knew the way to "Inkaras" very well, so that I was able to
lead those who went to the forest without a problem. We left in
the early evening hours and arrived at the boat at midnight.
Here the converted woman was waiting for us and she agreed to
let me be one of the sailors, although I was not on the list of
those going to the forest.
My mother and two sisters remained at the ghetto, they did
not know the secret of my going to the forest. My father was
killed in 1941, the moment the Germans entered Lithuania.
All those who went to the forest had money to buy food, and
light arms mainly. As far as I remember the Beck brothers were
with us (Hirshke and Shlomke), Moshke Levin, Fein, the butcher,
and other men who possessed arms. The group comprised 15 men
and 12 women, 2 young women among them.
The members of the group crowded on the bottom of the ship.
It was a foggy night. We flowed along the stream of the Vilya
which joins the Neiman river near "Hashlas", the old fortress
of Kovna. We were headed for the Yurburg area. We went down
stream at a speed of 10 kilometers per hour. I rowed. It was a
quiet night, but all of a sudden - an unpleasant surprise: we
ran into a steamship. . . We heard Lithuanian songs and German
voices as well. Apparently they were policemen and soldiers.
They were heading towards Kovna and we were heading towards
Yurburg. We immediately covered all the passengers with canvas,
and we tried to get as far away as possible from the boat. The
converted woman beckoned to me to go on rowing quickly - and if
questions would be asked - only she would answer, for she spoke
Lithuanian fluently, like a true gentile. I wore a light
peasant coat, so that it was impossible to recognize me as a
Jew. It was a fishing boat which had space for forty people. We
advanced slowly to our destiny. It was clear to all of us that
many surprises lay in stock for us. We had therefore taken
along arms to defend ourselves. All those who went to the
forest knew they would live the life of "Partisanka" in the
forest, under the command of the Feinstein brothers, who were
experienced in the life of the forest. We were prepared for
this.
The plan was to accommodate the women and children at
peasants' homes, while the men and young women would be
organized into guard groups. It was explained to us that the
Feinstein brothers planned to concentrate 200 to 250 men of
army age, armed, in the forest to form a fighting force. They
also planned to "absorb" people who had been trained at Haim
Yelin (communists) organizations and the Zionist movements.
Till now there had been no contact between the Feinstein
brothers and these organizations, except for the connection the
converted woman maintained with the ghetto once in a couple of
months.
After hours of energetic and exhausting rowing all night -
we arrived at the Shtaki shore in the morning, not far from
Yurburg. A few terrifying surprises awaited us on the way, but
the important thing is that we arrived at our destination,
although here another unpleasant surprise was waiting for us.
This is what happened. We went down to the beach and hid
among bushes growing on the sand dunes, not far from the Neiman
river. It had been agreed that a Lithuanian would wait for us
on the beach; however, apparently we were mistaken. The
converted woman went to look for the Lithuanian, and it took
two hours before she finally returned with him. The
Lithuanian's name was Kazis. The Feinstein brothers had
promised him payment for his efforts and had assured him that
once the war was over he would receive a lot of money, as all
those who were coming were wealthy people from Kovna who had
homes and a lot of property. . .
Kazis led us to the nearby forest and he himself went to
look for food. The promise was kept. A couple of hours later he
came, bringing along bread, butter and all sorts of porridge on
his wagon. We rested and waited for nightfall, getting
organized under field conditions. The Feinstein brothers came
and issued orders - which we obeyed. The women and children
were accommodated at peasants' homes and the men were divided
into two groups that would operate in the forest. I was put in
charge of one group. In addition to the Feinstein brothers we
knew another Jewish commander in the forest, nicknamed Antanas.
Antanas' family was killed by the Lithuanians and Germans.
He himself had escaped and roamed the forests, armed from
head to toe. I was given the nickname Waladas, for everyone
here had a nickname. I was given a F.N. gun, made in Belgium
with a Lithuanian emblem. The gun came with thirty 9 mm.
bullets.
A couple of days later we were introduced to an officer, a
Russian pilot, via Antanas. At a special roll-call we were told
that the pilot's plane had been downed over Yurburg, and
Antanas had found him in the forest. He was a senior lieutenant
who had been decorated. We were sure we would hear details from
him about what was going on at the front and we very
disappointed when we heard nothing new. About 30-40 armed men
took place in this meeting, but the Lithuanians in the area who
observed us were convinced we were a military force of hundreds
of men. They were afraid of us and even the Lithuanian
policemen in the villages avoided entering the forest area.
That evening people were appointed to special functions,
such as food supply, guarding the camp and sabotage. In those
days we went onto the roads and attacked German vehicles.
Others went on procurement missions, i.e. to obtain food in
the Lithuanian villages, particularly from those about whom we
knew they cooperated with the enemy. Once we even had to shoot
a Lithuanian, who cooperated with the Germans, for refusing to
hand over a few cows.
Most actions were planned by Antanas (Moshe), he was a
serious, poised man, a well-known war hero and all the
Lithuanians were afraid of him. He was familiar with the
Yurburg area and spoke Lithuanian like a gentile, although his
dark face revealed his origins.
In the Lithuanian War of Independence (1918) he was a
"Savanaris" - a volunteer in the Lithuanian army. The
Feinsteins also followed his orders without question, and so
did the officer, the Russian pilot.
In the summer of 1944 another 15 men arrived from the Kovna
ghetto. The ghetto was about to be totally liquidated. When
they learned about our group in the forest around Yurburg a few
managed to escape from the ghetto and came to us on foot - a
70-80 kms. (a;bout 50 miles) walk - in spite of the hurdles and
risks on the way. In those days it was planned to take hundreds
of people out of the ghetto, in spite of our limited ability to
accommodate them under forest conditions. Unfortunately, the
ghetto was liquidated within a week. The soldiers on the
Russian-Lithuanian front advanced and arrived at Rassain. The
Lithuanian division that took part in the conquest of Zamatias,
was already at the front. Most of the soldiers in this division
were Jewish and the Russians and Lithuanians formed a minority
here. Among them was Wolf Vilensky, the well-known general who
earned the title "Hero of the Soviet Union.".
The horror stories of the Kovna ghetto survivors enticed us
to take a course of action aimed at preventing the enemy from
carrying out his plans and beat him. We were 75 men in total.
Half of them had some kind of weapon - rifles, sub-machines,
pistols and grenades. We were an independent unit. We came into
contact with a Partisan battalion (Atriad) only once. They had
come from the Rodniki forest and were advancing towards
Yurburg, there were Jews among them. They wanted to strike at
the enemy's back. They were armed with heavy Soviet machine
guns.
We wanted to join them but they refused, thus we were forced
to continue to operate against the German troops on our own, in
the area where we were, to hinder their movement and avenge the
Jewish people. It is superfluous to point out that the fire of
wrath burned in all of us and we were always ready to volunteer
for the most dangerous actions.
The security situation in the forest grew worse by the day.
Therefore all the people from Yurburg were divided into two
groups - one counted 30 people and the other 40. The Feinstein
brothers and I were appointed to head one group, while Antanas
and the officer-the Russian pilot - led the other group.
Bunkers were dug in the forest for both groups, although
this was done without an adequate engineering plan. Each bunker
had one entrance and exit and this proved to be a serious
pitfall. We equipped the bunkers with water, which we filtered
through bed sheets.
One night we encountered two soldiers. We were sure they
were Germans, but they spoke Russian and told us they were
Latvians who had deserted from the German army. They said that
in Latvia they had been forced to enlist and they were now
ready to join the Partisans against the German army. We
wondered whether to believe them - it was well-known that there
were many murderers among the Latvians who cooperated with the
Germans. We had a difference of opinion, but in the end we took
pity on them. Jews are known for their compassion and therefore
the warm Jewish heart is incapable of killing, in spite of the
doubts we felt. Some, among them the officer- the Russian
pilot- thought that we might learn details about the front from
them and about the German movements in the areas near us. In
short: after we put them to some sort of test - we accepted
them amongst us. One of them was called Volodia and the other
Mishka. Antanas ordered they be transferred to my bunker, and
that is what I did. After they were interrogated we found out
that they had indeed been Latvian "Partisans" in the past and
had taken part in the liquidation of Jews in the Riga ghetto,
at the order of the Germans. They also spoke about the coming
German strategy on the front, about the communication trenches,
lighting devices, barbed-wire fences, mine fields etc. Some of
us offered the idea of breaking through the German front and
joining the Soviet army, others rejected this idea. When we saw
that the Germans reinforced their troops and brought a lot of
ammunition and stoves for the winter to the forest - we decided
to try to break through the front together with the Latvians
and cross over to the Soviet fighters.
Both the Russian officer-pilot and the Feinsteins
volunteered to be among those who would break through the
front. Thus we left, ten of us, to a post opposite the enemy's
positions. We saw the change of guard in the German
communication trenches. We left the Latvians and the Russian
officer behind, for good reason. . . we heard the exchange of
fire between the Germans and the Russians. Someone from the
communication trench switched on a torch.
All of a sudden the two Latvians jumped up and started to
run, shouting, towards the communication trenches, presuming we
would all follow. The Germans started to shoot and to shout
"Halt!" (Stop). "Halt!" - but we did not run. One of the
Latvians (Mishka) was wounded in the foot and we turned back
and ran away.
The Germans ran after us, shooting all the while, but they
were unable to catch up with us in the dark of night. When we
sat down to rest , exhausted, we saw the two Latvians come
close, one of them limping and leaning on his friend's
shoulder. We tied up the injured man's leg and informed
Lantanas about what had happened.
We passed a quiet night. In the morning, at about ten
o'clock, a group of military policemen of the German field
police suddenly appeared. The armed policemen took up position
close to us and aimed their rifles at us. The moment I saw them
I shouted at the top of my voice to Feinstein - "Yurgis
Pazurak!" - i.e. "Look Yurgis, look!" We immediately understood
that we were lost. We opened fire, but they outnumbered us and
surrounded us on all sides. We saw them face to face from a 15
meters (50 feet) distance. A doctor or medic stood out among
them. They did not enter into battle with us, but allowed us to
escape, although they ran after us with their trained dogs. We
shot at them and they returned fire. Thus, running and
exchanging fire, we ran about 5 kms. from the bunker. We
managed to pass from one part of the forest to another. When
the shooting died down and there was no sign left of the
Germans, we sat down to rest among the bushes - when suddenly
we heard the noise of shots and explosions. We knew that our
force inside the bunker had grenades, and they probably used
them against the Germans. In truth, we were just guessing. Our
heart was beating strongly but our force was too weak to help.
Only later did we learn about the bitter fate of the bunker
from a young woman called Frieda. Without this Frieda those who
were in the bunker would have taken their secret with them to
the grave. Genia Angel was saved from the second bunker and she
too is a witness who survived.
The following is Frieda's story. First of all, it
immediately became clear that the two Latvians were part of the
German field force. As they managed to fool us and became well
acquainted with our bunkers and everything concerning them,
they passed this information on to the Germans. The Germans
approached the opening, assisted by the Latvians, and one of
them issued the order - "Ihr geht mahl raus. Wenn nicht,
schmeisse Ich meine Grenaten herein!" (If you don't come out
I'll throw the grenades inside) Those inside the bunker did not
surrender. They opened fire from within. The exchange of fire
went on for a while.
Those inside the bunker had the disadvantage. The Germans
came slowly closer to the opening of the bunker and threw the
grenades inside. Some were killed instantly, others were
mortally wounded - their legs were torn off, hands and other
parts of their body. It is impossible to describe the
horrendous scene inside the bunker. . . .finally all those who
were still alive surrendered.
Outside the Germans lined them up in rows and searched them
for money and other valuables. Some Germans even went down into
the bunker in order to find loot there.
Frieda too was standing in the row, she asked the German
medic to allow her to step aside "for personal needs" due to
her illness. The medic consented. When Frieda went a short
distance away from the row and started to carry out "her
personal needs" the medic turned his face away for a moment,
probably out of embarrassment. When Frieda noticed this, she
drew forth her courage and quickly started to run away. The
medic drew his gun and shot at her. The bullet hit the top of
her finger, covering her hand in blood, but Frieda overcame the
pain and continued to run as fast as she could, in a kind of
amok, until she found a place of hiding in the woods. That is
how Frieda was saved - the only one of those who were in the
bunker. The others were led, heavily guarded, to Yurburg, where
according to testimony by the Lithuanians, they were all
cruelly murdered. They took the bitter truth with them to their
graves.
At night our group of guards decided to return to the bunker
to see what had happened to those who were inside. We walked
silently along, in the darkness of night, and approached the
bunker - the horror scene became immediately clear - even the
devil had not yet thought of this - heads, legs, hands and body
parts that were impossible to identify, covered in blood and
mire. We were only able to identify the leg of our doctor
Mordehai (Mottel) Aharonson by the color of his pants . . . it
was terrible . . . awful and terrible. . . .
Shocked we climbed out of the bunker into the open air,
depressed and in despair. "What shall we do now?" - How can we
go on ?" - One of us got up and said that if everyone was dead
there was no sense to our lives any longer: "Let's commit
suicide!" - Some were inclined to accept this idea. But I, the
youngest of the commanders, said: "If they killed everybody -
we have nothing to lose, we will get up and avenge their blood.
. ." After a long moment of silence and many deliberations, my
proposal was accepted.
However, if at that moment someone would have drawn a gun
and shot, everyone would have committed suicide and nothing
would have been left of any of us . . . .the fate of the second
bunker would have been the same as the fate of our bunker.
Those who remained alive there were led to Yurburg where, as
mentioned above, they were shot.
When we had drunk the cup of poison down to its last drop,
we decided to accept the Feinstein's advise and go to Yurburg.
Here the Feinstein brothers knew a Lithuanian, an old
acquaintance, who lived near Yurburg. We hoped we would find
shelter there and would perhaps even manage to pay back the
murderers in kind. We gathered food and arms - someone still
had a few gold rubles left and we went ahead. We walked the
whole night and towards morning we arrived, tired and exhausted
at the home of the gentile who lived at the entrance to
Yurburg. The Feinsteins knew him well. At first the gentile was
alarmed, but when he saw his old friends, the Feinsteins, he
started to kiss them . . . it was a rather forced sceme, but
that was unavoidable under the circumstances. In short: he
received a few golden rubles and became very friendly . . .
We found temporary refuge in the gentile's barn under the
bundles of fodder. Once Germans came to the gentile's home and
looked into the barn, but this time we were lucky and they did
not find us. As time passed, we witnessed exchanges of fire
between German soldiers and the Soviets in Yurburg and its
surroundings.
One day our patience came to an end. We decided to break out
of our quarantine and go to the Russian front. That is what we
did. After many risks and hurdles we encountered a Soviet
reconnaissance platoon. The Russians asked us: "Who are you?" -
and we answered "Partizans." They immediately disarmed us, took
off our watches and boots . . .we had nothing left. When we
complained they said "Wai Yavarai Pomogli Neimzan"- i.e. "You,
Jews, helped the Germans." They intended to blame the Jews for
having worked at the forced labor camps of the Germans, thereby
strengthening the enemy.
Our attempts to explain that the Jews who had been
imprisoned in the ghettoes had been forced to work under
threat, failed . . . the Russian soldiers were stubborn and did
not listen.
The unexpected disappointment came soon enough. Only when we
met a Jewish officer did we get back our boots, thanks to his
swift intervention. The watches were no longer to be found and
the weapons were no longer needed.
In the end we received certificates (a piece of paper) that
we were Partisans and entitled to go to liberated Kovna. The
Feinstein brothers decided to remain to receive back their
property - while we three - Fein, Konichovsky and I - went to
Kovna.
In Kovna we found total chaos. We had trouble finding a Jew
who took us into his miserable home. We saw the destruction and
ruined life of the few Jews who had survived and been absorbed
by the town, most of them had already packed their suitcase in
order to leave the valley of death as soon as possible. They
all wanted to leave and not remain in the valley of tears. They
were looking towards Eretz Yisrael, of course, but how to
escape from here? Though I longed to leave Lithuania, I had a
strong urge to settle accounts with the murderers of my family
and relatives. On my way "there" I joined those who fought
against our people's enemy inside Germany, and as a former
investigating judge of Nazis I took a great deal of revenge -
our revenge on the Germans.
From the murderous land of Germany I arrived after many
events in my own country, to build and be built by it.
Edited by Z. Poran
Monument to Remember the Murdered Heroes: " In this place
on August 12, 1941 were murdered 28 children, 19 of their
mothers and one man by the German fascists and the Lithuanians
....." ------- Standing alongside the monument is Aba Valt and
his wife Miriam, who built the monument (???) ------
Better and Complete Translation Needed
PAGES 438-450 FROM THE YURBURG YIZKOR BOOK
DARING ESCAPE OF THE PARTISANS IN
THE WOODS
Translated by Irene Emodi, Tel Aviv
THE PERSONAL STORY OF
MORDEHAI BEN TUVIA AND RACHEL BERKOVER
I left Yurburg a long time ago. I have no idea of what is
going on there. The news coming out of there is terrifying.
Destiny has taken me to Kovna and from there to the Salvodka
ghetto. I am not the only one from Yurburg in the ghetto. There
are other Jews from Yurburg here who arrived one way or
another.
We all share a cruel fate. We live here under crowded
conditions, a degenerated life. However, the fear of becoming
fewer and fewer is even more terrible. The actions . . . ah
yes, the actions!. . . From time to time Jews are being
abducted, old men, women and little children are being taken to
Fort 9, near Solvodka, from where there is no return. . . those
who are able to work are sent to forced labor. Those who can
still contribute to the German war machine - stay alive. To
stay alive - that is the aim of every Jew in the ghetto, but
chances are slim.
Each day there are fewer people left in the ghetto. What to
do? Young people get organized into underground groups and go
into the woods. I too liked the idea and
became obsessed with it, until one day I implemented it.
*
This is what happened.
On 11 June 1944 a Gestapo order was issued whereby all the
men in the Kovna ghetto had to gather the next morning on the
plot between the big blocks, to move to a labor camp. It was
clear to us what "leaving the ghetto" meant. Where we were
going - this was not explained to us. An order is an order and
must be obeyed.
I did not sleep a wink all night, neither did many of my
friends. There was a tense quiet at the ghetto . . . In every
corner people huddled together and asked each other how to
escape the evil. I had decided to run away. But how? Where to?
The ghetto was closed off by a tight ring of Gestapo and the
German army. I lay there, thinking of a solution but,
unfortunately, did not find one.
I got up at dawn, took my rucksack which contained all my
belongings and went out to join all those who were going to the
plot. People were coming from all corners of the ghetto, those
who were still alive after all the selections and deportations.
Those who had a family gathered together. I had no one I could
join; I was all alone. My brother Yosef had run away when the
war broke out with my mother to beyond the borders of
Lithuania, hoping to be saved. My brother Eliezer with his wife
and my sister Haya with her husband remained in Yurburg, my
sister Deborah was at the Kaindi camp during the children's
action with her little son. She refused to hand over her son to
be killed and decided to die with him. Indeed they were both
killed together with the other babies. The other 18 babies were
killed too and thrown into transport vans, like slaughtered
poultry.
My sister Zipora was at the Vilna ghetto with her husband;
my two sisters Hannah and Scheindele, who were at the Kaindi
camp, were sent to the Ponivaz camp. The whole family dispersed
in the days of the Holocaust as chaff before the wind. I have
no idea what happened to my dear ones, I guess I shall never
know. . . Thus I was left alone, the only one of my family who
remained. I was tormented and did not know what to do. Even
today I face the same problem. Then I remembered the bible
passage - Book of Psalms - "Look to your right and see here, I
know no one, there is no escape, no one cares about me. I
called out to you, Almighty God, I said you were my shelter, my
part in the land of life.
Hear my lamentation, for I am very miserable, save me from
those who persecute me, for they are stronger than I."
Here I stood among many others, a man who had been found
guilty and was waiting for his bitter destiny. We waited for an
order to be issued. It soon came - "Go!" We left with the heavy
feeling that perhaps we would never see our town and our family
again. We walked in the direction of the suburb of Kovna
-Alkasotas - on the other side of the Neiman river. We saw a
look of malicious joy on the faces of the gentiles who lined
both sides of the road. Their look was humiliating and
repulsive. And then I remembered the lofty words of the prayer
- " Almighty God, I am a member of the bond you created . . . .
Look down from heaven and see how humiliated we are and mocked
by the gentiles, they are leading us like sheep to be
slaughtered, to be killed, to be beaten and disgraced." They
stood on the sidewalk and we had to walk on the borders of the
road. I was deeply grieved. Thus we passed over the bridge and
approached the railroad tracks. From far away we saw a series
of wagons, and tens of armed S.S. soldiers were waiting for us.
Before we even came near the wagons we already heard wild
shouting - "Get on to the wagons!" They were cattle wagons.
There was an uproar. All the people from the ghetto quickly
climbed onto the wagons and tried to find a space. I also
climbed onto the wagon with my rucksack and sat down. Some of
my acquaintances joined me. The wagon was overcrowded. Everyone
was waiting for the journey into the unknown. There was a mood
of depression in the wagon. We were closed in like animals. A
60-year old German soldier was positioned next to the door and
he had to guard us and make sure we did not escape, God forbid.
After lengthy preparations the train left. The soldier-guard
stood up and said to us: "'You'd better know that I shall not
hesitate to shoot anyone who tries to escape, so watch out!" It
was 11:30 o'clock. The wagon rattled and the soldier-guard fell
asleep. Not so the people who were led to slaughter like
cattle.
Everyone stood lost in thought, tired and depressed. One of
my friends wanted to tell me something but he suddenly fell
silent. He was unable to utter a sound. I was very sad, but
after an hour or so I pulled myself together. It was already
12:00 o'clock. One of my friends peeped through a crack in the
window, recognized the place and whispered in my ear: "we are
in the Kazlu-Rodah area". This struck me like a bolt of
lighting. I knew that the place was in the area where the
Jewish Partisans operated who had escaped from the ghetto. I
immediately got the idea to escape, to flee to the forest . . .
.
In the meantime I saw that the soldier-guard was drowsy and
had perhaps even fallen asleep. I told myself this was the best
time to escape. But how to go about it?
All of a sudden I thought of the psalm - "I shall raise my
eyes unto the mountains,
my help will come from there. Help from God, who created
heaven and earth. God will guard you against all evil and will
guard your soul. Gold will look after you wherever you come and
go, now and forever." I got up my courage and told my friend
that I had decided to jump through the window and escape. Those
who wanted to were welcome to join me. They hesitated. One of
them started to grumble, if you run away they will kill us .. .
at that moment the soldier-guard fell asleep and he fell into
deep slumber. Yes, I said to myself, this is the right time. I
asked one of the woman passengers called Feige Vislitzky from
Kovna to hide me from the sleeping guard's eyes. She kissed me
and wished me good luck. I immediately climbed on the boxes
standing next to the small window, opened the window carefully,
moved my head and part of my body out and when my friends
pushed me from behind I found myself outside the wagon. I fell
onto the small ramp at the front of the wagon and was about to
jump into the passageway when I saw a train approaching on the
other track, in the opposite direction. I doubled up for a
moment, allowed the train to pass and then jumped down into the
bushes lining the road. I got scratched by the bushes and was
slightly wounded. It is not too bad, I told myself, I shall
overcome - better be injured and free than prey to the Nazi
beast.
When I recovered from the daring act, I crawled away from
the railway track and lay down to rest in a hidden corner. When
I raised my head I saw that three people were coming towards
me. They spoke Lithuanian and this encouraged me. They had
apparently seen me jump off the train and offered help. I did
not want to go with them, for I did not know who they were.
However, they suggested I turn to the railway guard who lived
in a little house behind the tall tree - they told me he was a
good man and he would help me if he could.
They also told me to be very careful for the area was full
of German soldiers. I thanked them for their advise, got up and
went straight to the house of the railway guard.
I slowly and hesitantly approached the guard's house. I saw
a little girl in the yard, about seven years old, who started
to call her mother who was in the garden. When the guard's wife
approached I said hello to her in Lithuanian. The woman
answered me very politely and invited me into her home.
Inside I told her that I was the son of a mixed marriage
between a Jewish woman and a gentile and that I had been put
into the Kovna ghetto. I went on to say that I had been put
into a train wagon, together with many Jews, and that I had
jumped off the train, for I was about to be exterminated. That
was how all the Jews were treated. I have come to you to ask
for help. I have heard that there are Jewish Partisans near
here and I want to join them. You will have to ask my husband,
she said. In the meantime, until my husband comes, wash
yourself and eat something. I did as I was told. I washed
myself and she gave me a plate of soup. In the meantime her
husband, the railway guard arrived. He heard my story from his
wife. He nodded his head and told me my life was in danger if I
was seen at their home. Nevertheless, he suggested I go to the
estate, 4 kms. away and there I would be told how to achieve my
goal. I thanked the guard and his wife and was about to leave.
The good people were very kind to me and gave me some food to
take along.
Encouraged, I went on my way and turned towards the estate.
I stopped at the forest for afternoon prayer and was about to
go on when I suddenly remembered the psalm: Please, God, guard
me against evil, save me from the evil man, from those who want
to divert my steps. I said to God: "You are my God, please, oh
Lord, hear my call for mercy." I continued on my way, hoping
God would lead me on the right road to my goal. After about an
hour I arrived at a large estate. When I entered the yard a dog
started to bark. I was immediately welcomed by the estate owner
and his two sons. They asked me to come in and sit at their
table. I told them my story - who I was and what I wanted to
know. The estate owner told me that German soldiers came to his
estate each day to buy food and that if they saw me there it
would be harmful to him and my life would be in danger. After
he had told me this, he suggested I sleep on straw in the barn
and at dawn I would have to leave the estate. This I did. I
slept soundly on the straw which to me was better than a king's
canopy . . . When I went to the estate owner's home to bid him
farewell, I found a wonderful breakfast on the table - two eggs
with bread and butter, tasty cheese and a can of milk. I did
not want to bother him, but he insisted. I ate and satisfied my
appetite.
When I left his house the estate owner accompanied me and
pointed out the way to me along the forest paths to an estate
owner who, he said, would be able to offer more help than he.
Thus I took leave of my benefactor, but he did not forget to
give me a parcel of food and put 100 Tchironshes, Russian
money, into my pocket. I left this estate with a wonderful
feeling and with the hope that God would continue to lead me on
a successful road.
I went to the second estate owner with a feeling of
certainty. When I entered his house, I immediately saw a
carpentry workshop, where he, his wife and sons were working. I
said hello and they answered me in a friendly manner. They also
asked me if I had eaten breakfast and if I was no longer
hungry. I told them I had eaten at the home of estate owner
Shtankowitz and that he had filled my rucksack with a lot of
food. After this initial encounter, I repeated my story and
added, of course, that I wanted to know where the Jewish
Partisans were. The house owner - carpenter listened
attentively to what I said, took paper and pencil and started
to draft the lines of a plan. When he was finished he explained
the details of the plan to me. This road, he said, leads to the
narrow railway tracks that go on for about 25 kms. in the
forest area. When you reach the end of the forest you will see
an overturned locomotive there. Turn to your right onto an
empty lot, here you must be very careful for there are many
German soldiers there. From there turn to the nearby woods, on
the right, and continue on the straight road which leads to the
village marked on the plan. He attached a note to the plan for
his cousin in that village. I thanked him from the bottom of my
heart. I would have kissed him. Thus I went on my way. I knew
the road was difficult and full of mines, but there was no way
of return. All the bridges behind me had been burnt as far as I
was concerned.
With the plan and the note I walked along with confidence,
although from time to time I had my doubts. I sat down to rest
along the road. I took out my phylacteries which I had received
before the selection from my neighbor Rabbi Mans, who was later
executed, together with his family by the Nazis. I look after
the phylacteries as if they were the apple of my eyes. This
time too I put on the phylacteries and prayed. It was a prayer
of thanks to God who till now had helped me along. After the
prayer I ate and went on. It was 12:00 o'clock, and all of a
sudden I looked up. I saw the locomotive at the side of the
road, marked on the sketch of the plan. From here I walked with
a lot of hope in my heart. In the distance I saw a man in the
forest. I was a little frightened, but when he saw me he ran
away. I laughed. Did I look so frightening . . . .
In short, I walked on. It was 19:00 o'clock. Finally I saw a
house. I approached the house, knocked on the door and went in.
I saw a young man sitting in front of a sewing machine, sewing
in the light of an oil lamp. I said hello and he answered me.
He was not afraid of the stranger who had come to his house. He
immediately asked
where I had come from and where I was going. I told him what
I had told the others.
He saw that I was tired. Soon, he said, my wife will return
and she will bring food for dinner. I saw that he was not a
rich man. I immediately told him that I had enough food for him
and his wife too. I only needed a place to sleep and some
guidance as to how to reach the Jewish Partisans in the forest.
My host told me that he had seen two young men in the morning,
apparently the forest people, who had asked about the road to
Kovna. I was happy to hear there were signs of the Partisans in
the area. In the meantime the woman had returned with a basket
full of food. I was asked to dinner. When I told her I had
enough food she urged me to at least have a cup of fresh milk.
After my meeting with my hosts, I went up to the barn and fell
asleep forthwith. I slept soundly, as in my mother's bed when I
was born.
Early in the morning my host woke me up. Breakfast was ready
on the table. I ate and shook his hand. Before I left I asked
him about the village which the carpenter had sketched on the
note intended for his cousin - he told me the village was
nearby. He indicated the direction, and as far as the man was
concerned to whom the note was sent - he told me - he was a
cowardly man, not to be relied upon. Although he knew much, he
would not tell me anything worthwhile. We separated and I shook
his hand once more.
After about an hour's walk, I saw a house in the distance
that looked like the one I was looking for. Indeed, someone I
met on the way, referred me to the man to whom I was supposed
to give the note. When I came near the house, I saw that the
door was open and a few people were sitting inside around a
radio. I said hello to them and asked about the man to whom I
was supposed to give regards from his cousin. The man got up
and beckoned me to step outside. He was apparently afraid that
someone would hear about his connection with me. I came
straight to the point and asked him where the Jewish Partisans
were. I saw that he turned pale and started to stammer. I did
not understand whether he was afraid or if he did not want to
reveal his secret to me. In any case, from what he said I
understood that I had to follow the path in the forest for
about 8 kms., and from there get to a village called Shtura.
Partisans came to this village about every two days.
I left, believing he had told me the truth. However, a
gentile I met on the way told me I should go in the opposite
direction. I understood the tailor had been right.
What to do? - I turned around and walked a long and tiring
way until I reached my destination. I saw a large estate in the
village, where I was told to go. I entered a house where I saw
a woman speaking to a man in Russian. I stood there for a
moment, waiting for the woman to be available. When the man
left, I turned to the woman and told her my story and why I had
come. She immediately answered that she knew nothing about the
people I was looking for. True, various people passed through
the village, but she did not know them. She added it would not
be a good idea to stay here. If the authorities found me - it
would be very bad for me and her.
Disappointed, I left her house and asked myself -"where will
I find help . . . .for I had met so much contempt . . . "but I
gathered my strength, " for those who believe in God will "find
mercy". All sorts of thoughts crossed my mind. While I was
deliberating, I saw a wagon with wooden boards enter the yard
and a young man was sitting on it. I did not know whether he
was Jewish or not. But the young man saw me and jumped off the
wagon, came up to me and looked at me as if we had agreed to
meet here. He asked me whether I spoke Lithuanian and I replied
I did, he grabbed me with both his hands and held on to me as
if he was drowning in the sea, God forbid. We were both very
moved and just looked at each other. Once we calmed down he
told me he and another group of Jews had worked at the labor
camp under the command of Nazi Germans. One day the German camp
commander told the Jews they were leaving the place. We knew
this meant our life was in danger. We got organized immediately
and we planned to leave, as we were told, but we bribed the
Ukrainian guards - we paid them a lot of money - to allow us to
disperse in the forest while we were walking. That is indeed
what happened. In the evening we presented ourselves to the
camp commander, and after an accurate count, we were led
through the forest in the direction of the railway tracks.
Those guarding us were . . .the Ukrainians. When we were
walking to an unknown destination at midnight we heard a sharp
whistle and shots, this was the sign that had been agreed upon
with the guards to disperse in the woods. That is what we did.
We dispersed in the forest. The Ukrainian guards disappeared
and we were left to ourselves. There were about 30 people in
the group, families among them. Now we were living together. We
set up a temporary camp and wanted to join the permanent camp
of the Partisans. Nearly all of us are from Vilna. We do not
know Lithuanian. You will be able to help us with the
Lithuanian population in the area. The armed young men who were
with the young man who owned the wagon, also spoke Lithuanian.
I recognized one of them as someone from the Kovna ghetto. Then
I knew that "God had heard my lamentations and prayers."
The young man from the Kovna ghetto knew me. He had fled
from Port 9. I asked him about my brother in law Yehuda
Meister, who came from Yurburg and I received the positive
answer that he was in the Partisan camp. My joy knew no bounds.
I said to myself - " God be blessed each day and God shall
bestow salvation on us -Sela".
With the help of God I have come to this point. The young
men suggested I join their unit. I full-heartedly agreed, for
this is what I had wanted all along. I helped the young man to
buy food for the group and to make contact with the
Lithuanians, for I spoke the language fluently. We loaded all
the purchases on the wagon. I sat next to the young man who
owned the wagon, and the two armed young men who accompanied
him set crowded in the back.
When towards evening we arrived at the place where those who
had fled with the assistance of the Lithuanians were, there was
a lot of joy. They were happy, and so was I. We had found each
other. However, I had no one there with whom I could share my
experiences of the recent days. However, I adjusted to my
situation. We ate the food we had brought with us on the wagon.
We were in high spirits. At 23:00 o'clock at night we left. We
went to join the Partisans' camp. We were ordered not to utter
a word on the way. We walked through the forest all night long.
We were tired and exhausted. Towards morning we saw smoke in
the distance. The leaders told us we had arrived at our
destination. We arrived at the Partisans camp in the morning.
The leaders were allowed to enter by the Partisans who
carefully guarded the camp. We entered one after another. We
presented ourselves to the camp commander. When I entered the
commander's tent my heart pounded, I was so excited. The
commander asked me all sorts of questions about myself and my
family. In the end he told me that a relative of mine, Yehuda
Meister from Yurburg, was at the camp, that he was now on guard
duty and that I would be able to speak to him the moment he
came off duty. I was so moved that I started to cry. I cried
for joy that I had reached my destination and also in sorrow
that none of my brothers and sisters had had my good fortune to
be saved.
Once I had made myself at home at the Partisans camp, I sat
down on the mattress and waited for my brother-in-law. Soon my
brother-in-law came to me. We fell into each other's arms and
started to cry like babies. The first question my
brother-in-law Yehuda (Yudel) Meister asked me was what had
happened to his wife and little two-year old son.
I wanted to postpone the subject, but he would not let go of
me and I was forced to tell him the bitter truth . . . how they
had been cruelly murdered . . . I am not sure my brother-in-law
heard all I told him about them, for he was sitting there,
crying and tearing out his hair. When my brother-in-law said
good-bye to them, his son was a year-old baby. He had not yet
had time to get to know him and enjoy his company. After a year
he had been abducted by the German murderers in the children's
action at the Kovna ghetto, and taken to Fort 9, a place of no
return . . . thus we sat and talked for a long time, until we
were called to lunch. After the meal we continued to talk. I
preferred not to speak about the disasters that had befallen
the family, for I knew I would make him sad. I learned from my
brother-in-law that Moshe Magidowitz from Yurburg was also at
the camp. I was very excited and went to see him - we were
overjoyed - three people from Yurburg at the Partisans camp,
three Partisans . . . three out of many from Yurburg, who did
not have this good fortune. We were the few who had been lucky.
. .
Towards evening I was given a rifle with bullets. Within an
hour I passed accelerated training in the use of arms. Here I
am holding a gun and I am able to defend myself against the
enemy. I also received an explanation about the arrangements at
the camp and rules imposed on the Partisans. Thus I passed the
first day at the Partisans camp.
Towards evening we received the order to carry out a raid on
one of the villages in order to equip the camp with food. The
farmers knew it was no use to argue with us.
We received what we needed and also a wagon to carry the
food. We returned tired and exhausted from this action. After a
while we went to the villages to look for gentile infiltrators,
who cooperated with the Germans and provided them with
information about the Jewish Partisans' whereabouts. When we
found them - we liquidated them. Everything was done at the
commander's decision and at his orders.
One evening we were told that at midnight a plane would
deliver equipment to us. The plane would drop the equipment at
our airport with a parachute. Our airport was situated near the
camp. It was 2 kms. long and had muddy land. We had to light
six bonfires as a signal to the plane. Indeed, at the
prescribed time we heard the noise of the approaching plane.
There was a great deal of tension. We were afraid the German
soldiers would spot the plane and then we would be lost. We
were trained before the action. We stood in silence and saw the
plane flying overhead when suddenly . . . a huge parcel was
thrown out of the plane.
We all hurried to extract the heavy parcel from the mud. We
carried it on our shoulders to the wagon that was waiting for
us. We loaded the parcel on the wagon together with the
parachute. We aimed our rifles and accompanied the wagon until
it safely reached the camp. We unloaded the parcel and folded
the parachute. There were Russian arms and ammunition in the
parcel, cigarettes and even chocolate. The action was
successful and we all enjoyed it. In the morning we heard the
buzzing sound of a German plane which had apparently spotted us
at night, but it did not dare come near us. The Germans were
afraid of us and we of them. We were always tense. We would
listen to the radio broadcasts about the situation at the
front. The news was better recently. We, from Yurburg, would
from time to time meet and exchange memories of our dear town
Yurburg and our loved ones who had been killed in the first
months of the war. We were lonely and we all waited for the day
when we would be able to avenge the blood that had been
spilled.
The days passed by and almost every day there were actions
of some kind or other.
One day we went to look for food, as usual. I was in charge
of the action. My brother-in-law, Yehuda Meister, was with me
as well as two Russian soldiers who had escaped from a prisoner
camp, and others. On our way we arrived at the house of a rich
estate owner. We knocked on the door and entered. Two women and
a man stood in front of us. I politely bid them good evening
and they replied in kind. Before we had even explained our
request to the estate owner, he said he knew why we had come.
Come, he said, I will give you what you want. While we were
still talking, one of the women asked a question in Yiddish. I
was taken by surprise. It turned out that she was a Jewish girl
from Kovna who had been here for two years, and that here she
had found protection against all bad things . . . we were very
moved by her story. In the end I got up, told my friends the
story and said - here we will not take anything. A gentile who
risks his life in order to rescue a Jewish soul - is a friend
of ours. The estate owner was surprised by my decision, but
thanked me and all the people in the group. From here we went
to the next estate owner and took all the food we needed from
him. We loaded everything onto the wagon and returned to the
flour mill, the meeting point of the other groups in the
village.
Here something unexpected happened. All of a sudden
automatic fire was opened at us from all sides. We had no
choice but to leave the place in a hurry. When we counted, it
appeared that two were missing. The commander was furious. In
many cases [like this] we went back to a village after a while
to repay them in kind. . . this happened this time too.
Immediately after dinner we received the order to go on an
important and dangerous mission. Where we did not know. When we
were gathered together we were given tin boxes with a lace. We
took the boxes with us as well as our personal arms. At the
roll- call we were told what the purpose of our nightly mission
was. We were led to the flour mill in the village from where
the mortal fire had been opened at us. Here we were told to
disperse and place the boxes near the wall of the mill after
all the laces had been tied together. We were immediately
ordered to run the distance of at least a kilometer from the
mill and here we waited for the results of our action. All of a
sudden we heard a tremendous explosion and saw a sea of fire
rise up to the sky. This was the retaliation against the German
fascists. We returned to camp where a pleasant surprise was
waiting for us. The two young men who had been missing from
yesterday's action had returned healthy and well.
Sometimes life at the camp was very meaningful and sometimes
it was boring. We were merely interested in one thing - what
was going on there in the terrible war? What about the Kovna
ghetto - who had survived and who had not? The news we received
was very sad. We talked about Yurburg, the cradle of our youth,
with love and longing, as if it still existed, as in the past .
. . Thus many days passed by. One day the person in charge of
reconnaissance, the only gentile at the camp - dressed in the
uniform of a Gestapo officer, asked me to join him on a tour. I
joined him and we went to a village not far from our camp. It
was on July 30, 1944. We entered a house there known to the
gentile. We found girls at the house who were sewing clothes
and listening to radio broadcasts. And see here, what did we
hear - an important and pleasant bit of information - the
Russian army battalions had liberated Vilna, Lithuania's
capital. Our joy knew no bounds. It was as if we were drunk . .
. we hurried back to the Partisans camp through the cornfields,
to tell them the good news. When we approached the camp - the
gentile said - let's shoot a round of fire in honor of the
liberation of our capital. We both enthusiastically fired a few
shots. Suddenly we heard shooting at us from the other side of
the corn field. The gentile ordered me to run and inform the
camp that a group of fascist soldiers from the Lithuanian army
was in the area and was shooting. I did as he told me. While I
was running I saw a Lithuanian soldier not far away who was
operating in the framework of the German army. I shot at him
and when he fell to the ground I went up to him and did not
check whether he was alive or dead. I took his rifle and ran to
our camp, to tell them that Lithuanian soldiers serving in the
German army were near us. The commander of our camp immediately
ordered the shock troops to go. We went with 25 men, while I
was their guide.
We had barely left the forest when we already heard the
sound of the attackers' shooting. We were in the line of fire.
Our commander issued the order - "Advance!" "Hit them!" The
battle was fierce. We pursued the fascist Lithuanian soldiers
and killed some of them. Two of our men - the Russian Partisans
- were killed. We were very grieved. We did not find
consolation in the fact that many enemy soldiers had fallen.
Each Partisan was dear to us. When the battle was over we went
back with the Lithuanian gentile to one of the estates to drink
some water. Suddenly the dog that was tied up there started to
bark. The gentile was annoyed at his barking; he was furious at
the dog, went up to him and hit him with his rifle butt.
Unfortunately a bullet came loose which struck the Lithuanian
gentile who fell and was dead. We all stood around him in
silence, very sad. We had lost a good reconnaissance soldier
and a kind- hearted man. We collected the three casualties and
took them to the camp on a wagon. We dug holes and buried three
good and dear Partisans, who did not have the good fortune to
be with us when we celebrated the victory over the Nazi
Germans.
On our return to camp we were immediately informed that the
retreating German army would pass near us. In the headquarters'
instructions it was stated that we had to hit them till they
were destroyed. That is what we did. We waited for them
somewhere and when they approached, we opened fire at them from
all the weapons we had. Our blow was so heavy that they did not
even know where it was coming from. They panicked. We pursued
them and hit them. Then they started an unorganized escape and
left a lot of booty behind - expensive equipment, food and
mainly . . . many casualties in the field. However, we pursued
them and hit them till morning came. We were happy to see the
Nazi enemy beaten, but it was too little for the murderers of
our people. Our joy was mixed with sorrow that they had managed
to destroy the communities of Israel in Lithuania.
When the battle was over, we collected our Partisan fighters
and returned to camp. Fortunately we had no injured or damage.
A lot of booty had fallen into our hands. On the way we
captured three wounded German soldiers and the camp commander
brought them to justice, a just verdict. . . . when we returned
to the camp I met my brother-in-law, Yehuda (Yudel) Meister,
and the third man from Yurburg, Moshe Magidowitz. We shook
hands and were happy that we would very soon return to Kovna.
Although we knew there was no one left for us to meet there.
Nevertheless we would be happy to live among free Jews, in
spite of the gentiles. Deep in my heart I still believed -
perhaps? Perhaps I would find a sister or someone from my
family, and I would not be the only survivor of my large family
. . . .
Mordechai Berkover
Caption Translation needed
A day passed, it was night now and in the morning we were
ordered to get organized towards leaving the camp. A month ago
I had not yet believed that I would live to see this day. We
had passed four difficult years. The danger of extermination
had hung over our head each and every day. Now the great day
had come - August 3, 1944 - the day of the great victory.
We leave the Partisans camp, bid farewell to close friends
we had known and go with a heavy heart to Kovna, which we had
not dreamt of seeing again. We traveled by car and on foot
until we reached Kovna. Now we were in Kovna. There were but a
few survivors in Kovna, the [most] important Jewish town.
Kovna, the Jewish community, the town that had been full of
Jews and Jewish life, and that now merely contained Holocaust
survivors, few, oh so few survivors. Partisans who found
relatives joined them. I and many like me, who had no family,
were sent to the police departments in town. My brother-in-law
Yehuda (Yudel) Meister, who was a tailor by profession, was
sent to work at the prison, to work there as a tailor. I was
sent to the police department at Daoukshtas Street number 1. As
I had no choice, I agreed to this appointment. I received a
large room to live in for myself and my brother-in-law and
together we started our gray life all over again. Although I
was living in a large city, I felt like a stray lamb in the
forest. Yet I started to breathe fresh air in Kovna, like free
people, equal to the gentiles who had always ruled over us.We
lived under the communist-Lithuanian regime. And then I felt
like praising and blessing and saying: God be blessed for
helping us to survive and arrive to this time. We shall sing
your praise and God will not be silent and I shall thank him
forever.
*
But a few in Kovna were able to tell me about the fate of
Yurburg, my town of birth. The story was sad, very sad. There
were no Jews at all left in Yurburg. All of them had been
exterminated and were no longer. There was nothing left for us
to do in this Yurburg, the Yurburg without Jews - it no longer
existed for us. However, the Jewish community of Yurburg will
go on living in our memory forever.
After a while the story of the exile and its sufferings
ended and the story of a new life was born in the State of
Israel, our independent State of Israel.
Mordehai Ben Tuvia and Rachel Berkover
